五、秦汉时期的墨家问题
关于《墨子》一书的形成及在秦汉的流传，关于墨家在汉代的传播及其消亡，或墨家在汉代、汉后的影响问题，西方汉学家的研究才刚刚开始，有待进一步的展开。
戴梅可(Michael Nylan)在《古代思想中的孔子与墨子、儒与墨》一文中首先对《史记》有关墨子24字的传记作了反省。她认为这个传记没有提到许多肯定与墨子相关联的教义，例如墨子对于有意识之鬼神存在的肯定，而其中或许最令人震惊的是，它竟然没有试图将墨子与“兼爱”的口号联系起来。与此同时，从《史记》其他段落的文本中可以看出，墨子的影响直至西汉中期以后仍然继续存在。通过寻求、评论目前可见的孔、墨或儒、墨并称的证据，戴梅可希望探求墨家在汉代的地位及其延续时间的问题。王充《案书》指出:“儒家之宗，孔子也;墨家之祖，墨翟也。且案儒道传而墨法废者，儒之道义可为，而墨之法议难从也。”根据《汉书·艺文志》中关于墨子弟子及其书籍的记载，戴梅可怀疑王充论证的确切性。由于汉初提倡节俭，所以汉代的文献常把墨子比作晏婴。相应地，墨子的名字与曾子相提并论:曾子作为实践“孝”的榜样而经常出现在礼学文献中。与孔子一道，墨子很早就以尧、舜、文王、周公这些圣王之学生的身份出现。(87)
汉代时期，思想家们往往是实用主义者。在戴梅可看来，甚至形而上学的代表人物扬雄的“太玄”(the Great Mystery)也根本不算太玄(great mystery)，而宇宙之“道”决不干预统治精英的责任，而意味着对公共生活之德性(virtues)的一般支持。因此，将思想上的显著特性归并于孔子和墨子而作为“证据”，这是汉代思想运动中的一种重要倾向。将墨子解释为一个推进“好古”运动的思想家，这与在伪经的基础上提出削弱王室花费的主张是相一致的。不过，即便是这样的情节也仍然处于推测之中，因为我们缺乏足够的证据来肯定任何东西。
耿优进(JoachimGentz)在《〈春秋繁露〉中的墨家痕迹》一文中考察了《春秋繁露·俞序》、《十指》等篇与墨家主张的关系，认为墨家的痕迹在《春秋繁露》较早的篇章中随处可以察觉到，在《公羊传》中不能发现的墨家传统的中心话题、概念、术语和方法，我们可以在《春秋繁露》中加以确定。耿优进认为，作为一个连贯的墨家思想体系在西汉时代已停止存在，因此可以推断，在汉代儒学的新参考系统中，墨家的痕迹似乎获得了一个新的儒家身份而丧失了墨家的特质。(88)
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【注释】
(1)本文得到了武汉大学“海外人文社会科学研究前沿追踪计划”项目的资助，项目名称为“英语世界的《墨子》研究综述”。本文由董红涛收集资料，由丁四新、董红涛、闫利春译写，最后由丁四新统稿。
(2)丁四新，武汉大学哲学学院教授、中央财经大学高等研究院兼职教授。董红涛、闫利春为武汉大学哲学学院博士研究生。
(3)YiPao Mei.The Ethical and PoliticalWorksofMotse.London:Arthur Probsthain，1929:274．据梅译本《前言》介绍，此前他曾写了一本名为《墨子:被冷落的孔子竞争者》(Motse，The Neglected Rival of Confucius)的指南册子，该书亦于1934年由Arthur Probsthain出版，共222页。又，福柯(Alfred Forke)的《墨翟》(MêTi)德文全译本于1922年出版，与梅译本一起，为当时仅有的用西方语言翻译的两本著作。
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